Ras Tafari

Rise and Reform

Ras Tafari Makonnen (Ras Tafari) was far from the most potent candidate to assume the role of regent over the country. Although he was the son of a popular leader who was revered for his war-time activities and regional policies, Ras Tafari was young and lacked the resources and pedigree of the princes, ministers, and aristocrats. His older cousin, Ras Kassa, was seen as the better successor to the throne. He was well respected by the country’s nobles and recognized outside the country, particularly by the British government. He also possessed the connections, experience, and skills to work within the corridors of power successfully. It’s impossible to know with certainty what kind of backroom conversations occurred beyond the public’s knowledge. Still, it appears there were two possible reasons why Ras Tafari was appointed regent and not the better-qualified Ras Kassa.

One theory is that, Ras Kassa simply wasn’t interested in national leadership and was entirely comfortable running his portion of central Ethiopia,  the kingdom in the province of Salale.

He had a direct relationship with Emperor Menelik II through family ties and was strongly connected to the Solomonic dynasty, similar to Haile Selassie. He was known for his conservative political views and his personal religious devotion. However, there is something else that he is known for, which leads to the second theory as to why he never assumed the position of regent. He had inherited a vast, loyal, well-equipped personal army. Combining that with his well-established connections throughout the country and beyond, he made the other powerful princes very nervous. His power rightfully intimidated them, therefore his name was never put forward in the corridors of power.  Whatever the true reason, Ras Kassa’s name would continue to be mentioned prominently in the future leadership of Ras Tafari.

The princes wanted someone malleable and who would allow them to continue operating their provinces the way they had always done, in line with Ethiopian customs and traditions. Ras Tafari was the weaker candidate, and therefore his name was proposed by the most influential leaders in the country.

He would maintain the Solomonic dynasty and its bond to the ancient Orthodox church, ensuring popularity amongst the broader population. While at the same time keeping Ethiopia’s economic and ruling structure in place and guaranteeing that the princes and their families would continue to grow wealthy and build their regional dynasties.

Ras Tafari quietly but quickly established his rule and then surprised the powerful, by showing them that he had paid attention to the lessons of his father, Ras Makonnen and those of Emperor Menelik II

Predictably, a civil war broke out between those who backed his cousin (and recently deposed) Lij Iyasu and those who supported Ras Tafari.

The future emperor had no military experience but insisted that he lead from the front. The reality is that the government-backed (and Ras Tafari-supported) military was led by experienced, capable leaders who didn’t require the assistance of the untested ruler. Ras Tafari’s involvement with the armed conflict was symbolic and only took place after the outcome was determined.  However, when the government forces organized a victory parade in the capital Addis Ababa on November 3rd 1916, he was at the front to receive the public’s praise and recognition. This moment was the first of his many public relations wins and demonstrated that his image resonated with the populace.

At age 24, the young regent may have held one of the most powerful titles in the land (2nd only to Empress Zauditu, daughter of Menelik II), but he was far from the most powerful ruler in the country. Wanting to make reforms but knowing that he was encircled by those who could quickly destroy him, he made calculated steps to build up his power base. Pragmatically, his first step was to bolster his personal military force by equipping them with modern-day weapons to act as a counterbalance to the regional powers and their private armies.

He then proceeded to seek out people like himself, young visionaries who also desired reform.  Once identified he intended to place them in key positions in the capital city, Addis Ababa. The most critical appointment, however didn’t come from his generation but his father’s. He appointed the minister that he trusted unfailingly, the powerful, Ras Kassa, to be governor over the territory of Shoa, which strategically encircled Addis Ababa. This shrewd move put the two leaders close to one another and ensured Ras Kassa’s powerful private army surrounded the capital city, acting as a strong deterrent to military opposition from competing princes.

The young Ras Tafari was aware of the risks in making too many domestic reforms in a country where the most powerful didn’t want any reforms. Therefore, the first changes that he made were in the areas of foreign policy. The princes were too preoccupied with running their fiefdoms to be concerned about the idle adventures of a political novice who seemed to be more interested in international affairs. In 1917, Europe was deep into a war that reached unprecedented levels of destruction and death. The controlling European powers looked abroad for allies as resources were depleted throughout the continent. Ras Tafari took advantage of this by joining the Entente forces comprising Great Britain, France, Italy, and Russia. He even went to the extent of offering some of his meager armed forces to help fight Turkey in the Arabian peninsula in exchange for acquiring modern weaponry. The allied forces accepted Ethiopia into the fold but respectfully declined military support from this nation that seemed to be on the verge of another civil war.

Nonetheless, the regent’s first foray into international affairs was seen as a success, with one exception that the world was ignorant of for many years. Italy, the old enemy of Ethiopia, was technically an ally still stung from it’s defeat in Ethiopia from years earlier.  Old empires have long memories and the citizens, bureaucrats and military leadership, could not forget their great humiliation at the hands of Ethiopia.  They waited and secretly worked diplomatic relationships to ensure that one day, they would get a piece of East Africa.  A secret pact was signed with England and France in 1906, guaranteeing this. The great powers agreed that Italy would one day have the dominant influence throughout Eritrea, Somalia, and Ethiopia. Italy hadn’t forgotten their defeat from decades earlier, and they were eager to take their revenge.         

Nothing is free in this world, not even for an up-and-coming regent, on his way to becoming emperor. 

Ras Tafari and his loyalists wanted to make the following changes to their country to prevent them from falling behind the rest of the world:

• Modernize military technology
• Create model farms and irrigation to improve agriculture
• Build a telephone network
• Establish a national currency
• Reform the education system
• Create bureaucratic institutions

Being well-versed in the economic control that the regional princes/governors had in their feudalistic system, Ras Tafari instituted a first for his country. Instead of the rulers arbitrarily determining their tributes to the central government, he created a salary-based professional civil service. The employees of this new system were those who had been educated overseas and wanted to see the same reforms that he wanted to implement. It was a strong step in the right direction for the reform-minded ruler.  His power however was still tenuous but would quickly change in light of an incident in Addis Ababa.

In March 1918, the government gathered 8,000 troops in the capital to prepare to move north to a region on the verge of anarchy. However, these troops that were summoned to the capital hadn’t been paid in months and were in no mood to go to the front. They were highly antagonized and took this as an opportunity to voice their anger to a very fragile central government.

The officers organized a march to the palace and protested the troops’ lack of pay and living conditions. 

The protests swelled by several thousand as the unemployed in the capital and domestic day workers joined the protest. Blaming the Council of Ministers (federal cabinet members), the protesting soldiers demanded that this existing ruling body be removed and replaced. They agreed that a new one should be created and consist of the War Minister(Habte Giorgis), Empress Zauditu, and Ras Tafari. These three would temporarily run the government until new ministers were appointed. The empress agreed, and with the stroke of a pen, several powerful figures, who would’ve undoubtedly opposed Ras Tafari’s reforms, were dismissed. 

Although he still didn’t have total control, this incident brought him one step closer to having the full authority required to transform the country.

World War 1 ended, and the disastrous Treaty of Versailles was ratified in 1919. When we combine the costliest human conflict (on all levels) in human history with U.S. President Woodrow Wilson’s 14-point proposals for future international relations, we get The League of Nations.

This predecessor to The United Nations was specifically created as a place for all nations, wealthy and poor, large and small, free and oppressed, to come and meet together to resolve their differences in an attempt to avoid the unthinkable, a second world war. Ras Tafari, son of Ras Makonnen, and an astute observer of Emperor Menelik II, saw the creation of this international political body as an opportunity to reintroduce Ethiopia to the world and strategically insert itself into global affairs.

At age 27, the 5’1 Ras Tafari was regent of Ethiopia and not afraid of a good fight. He was still surrounded by those who either watched him warily or opposed him openly, both externally and domestically. Seeing entry into the League of Nations as essential to Ethiopia’s survival and moving with absolute confidence, he began lobbying the European powers to accept his country’s entry into “The League.”  

France (with its colony in neighboring Djibouti) was warm to the idea of Ethiopia being considered for entry. Britain was opposed, albeit somewhat passively. And Italy, still stinging from their defeat at the hands of Ethiopia approximately 25-years earlier, was unsurprisingly, openly and passionately opposed. They joined Britain by using one of Ethiopia’s systems against them to demonstrate that they weren’t ready to join the world stage as a ‘civilized nation’.  Slavery.

Although past emperors had attempted to dismantle it, slavery was still openly practiced in Ethiopia, especially in areas that bordered Sudan. Slavery was a complicated, fully institutionalized system in the country. There were varying degrees of how slavery was expressed, and at times, it was difficult to differentiate between those who were free and those who were victims of the system. Slaves were often paid for their services, and the wealthy landowners provided for their families. It wasn’t unusual for someone who was technically a slave to reach prominent positions in government and other institutions, most notably, the military and enjoy the same material benefits as those of free citizens. For those slaves who had reached the royal court positions, their indentured status almost became a badge of honor, and they would proudly refer to themselves as ‘slaves to the emperor.’ This position was similar to the ancient Asian title of Eunuch, someone who was technically owned by the emperor but also generously rewarded for their skills, influence and loyalty. 

It was complicated.

Although The Fetha Negast (The Law of the Kings) had prescribed the circumstances where slaves were to be freed, due to the lack of centralized government, these laws were rarely enforced or widely re-interpreted to ensure the enslaved remained enslaved. It’s no surprise that the conservative Ethiopian princes and powerbrokers, who enjoyed the material benefits of slavery, would resist Ras Tafari’s reforms to the deeply entrenched institution.    

It was a challenging reality, trying to work with the complex aristocratic powers and the cultural traditions which supported the odious system of human trafficking. 

 Domestically, Ras Tafari convinced the ruling Ethiopian elite that removing this ancient tradition was essential to his country being welcomed into the world’s wealthiest and most influential governing body. Admittance would result in Ethiopia being opened to foreign investment and would give the country access to modern military weapons. Everyone would continue to get rich and have the power to defend themselves from foreign powers, should Ethiopia be admitted. He reiterated his predecessor’s positions on slavery and would begin to enforce them to those who continued to traffic in human beings. For those slave traders apprehended, fines, jail sentences, and capital punishments were applied. The strongly-worded mandates, backed by the judicial authority, started to impact the centuries-old tradition, and the total number of trafficked individuals dropped. Both Britain and France saw that the new regent had successfully taken measures to curb the slave trade in his country and therefore warmed to the idea of allowing entry into “The League.” Italy continued to openly and forcefully reject the motion.

In August 1923, Ras Tafari Makonnen made a formal request that Ethiopian admittance be formally tabled at the next General Assembly. On September 28th, 1923, the ancient empire of Ethiopia was officially accepted as a member of The League of Nations. It was a massive domestic and international victory for the young ruler.

He celebrated in the most strategic way, by becoming the first (future) Ethiopian Emperor ever to leave the African continent. The wily regent brought with him his closest supporters and potential political enemies on a whirlwind trip to Europe. It was time to reintroduce Ethiopia to the European powers and remind them that his ancient country was once an influential power that desired to have its place on the international stage. However, official admittance into The League was one matter; appreciation and acceptance for Ethiopian and overall African culture  was another. France was lukewarm towards giving Ethiopia special diplomatic favors, although they mostly supported Ethiopia’s emerging international voice. England’s King George V was the most openly condescending by only reluctantly agreeing to a formal reception at Buckingham Palace but stubbornly refusing the Ethiopian ruler accommodations at the palace by stating, “the palace was not suitable for such an occasion.”  

Ironically the country that gave Ras Tafari the most jubilant acknowledgment was Italy. He was given a full military greeting with all the pomp and ceremony by King Victor Emmanuel III while being welcomed by his Prime Minister, Benito Mussolini. Ras Tafari was presented on the king’s balcony to a cheering crowd who shouted, “Long live Ethiopia! 

Long live the Crown Prince Tafari!” 

Like every great power, Italy’s interests in Ethiopia were pragmatic. They wanted to exert as much influence and control as they could over the small East-African nation. They believed that the warm reception would help pave the way for more significant Italian influence in east Africa. The Italians miscalculated the intelligence, determination, and pride of Ras Tafari Makonnen and asked for more than Ethiopia was willing to give. Even being granted the rare honor of an audience with Pope Pius XI was not enough to sway the future emperor to some of the Italians’ more audacious requests.

And although the Italian visit was cordial, a new power was slowly growing in Italy. And in a few short years, the future emperor of Italy would confront the future emperor of Ethiopia to redeem the outcome of the 1894 war where Italy was humiliated. During this next conflict, learning from their past mistakes, Italy would fully demonstrate the impact of a fully modernized country fighting with a disorganized, fragmented, and militarily limited country.